Ezekiel 8:14, dated to 591 BC: at the north gate of the Temple in Jerusalem, women sat weeping for Tammuz, the Babylonian Dumuzi, dead shepherd-lover of Inanna. Six centuries later, Lucian's De Dea Syria 6 describes the festival at Byblos: on the first day the people mourn Adonis as dead, sacrifice to him as to a corpse, and on the next day they proclaim that he lives and send him into the air. Ovid's Metamorphoses 10 gives the Greek romance, Venus, the boar, the blood-red anemone. Theocritus' Idyll 15 stages the lush royal Adonia at Alexandria.
The Golden Bough (Adonis Attis Osiris, 1906) made Adonis the exhibit of the century: the dying-and-rising vegetation god, killed with the harvest, resurrected with the rains, the universal template behind every myth of return. The Gardens of Adonis were the proof, seeds sown in broken pots, forced into brief green life, then carried out with the corpse. Even Plato knew them: Phaedrus 276b mocks the man who plants seed in a garden of Adonis for the festival, eight days of show, when a serious gardener plants in season and waits eight months.
Jonathan Z. Smith's 1987 Encyclopedia of Religion entry demolished the category: dying-and-rising gods, he argued, are a modern fabrication, a Protestant-era projection. Tryggve Mettinger's The Riddle of Resurrection (2001) went case by case and found for Athens the Adonia was funerary, the gardens symbolize sterility, and there are no obvious traces of any belief in a resurrection of Adonis before the Christian era. The counter-case rests on Lucian's next day proclamation and on the mourners' evident hope, with Richard Carrier and others arguing the late evidence reflects older belief. The fight is really about rules of evidence: how late can a source be and still count?
Lucian says the mourners at Byblos proclaimed him alive the next day. The scholars cannot agree whether anyone believed that before Christianity existed. Who gets to decide when a god started rising?